One of the most common forms of sexual violence around the world is that which is perpetrated by an intimate partner, leading to the conclusion that one of the most important risk factors for people in terms of their vulnerability to sexual assault is being married or cohabiting with a partner. Other factors influencing the risk of sexual violence include:
Young women are usually found to be more at risk of rape than older women.[2][3][4] According to data from justice systems and rape crisis centres in Chile, Malaysia, Mexico, Papua New Guinea, Peru, and the United States, between one-third and two-thirds of all victims of sexual assault are aged 15 years or less.[4][5] Certain forms of sexual violence, for instance, are very closely associated with a young age, in particular violence taking place in schools and colleges, and trafficking in women for sexual exploitation.
Percentage of adolescents reporting forced sexual initiation, selected population-based surveys, 1993—1999
Increased vulnerability to sexual violence also stems from the use of alcohol and other drugs. Consuming alcohol or drugs makes it more difficult for people to protect themselves by interpreting and effectively acting on warning signs. Drinking alcohol may also place a person in settings where his or her chances of encountering a potential offender are greater.[10]
Having previously been raped or sexually abused
There is some evidence linking experiences of sexual abuse in childhood or adolescence with patterns of victimization during adulthood.[10][11][12][13] A national study of violence against women in the United States found that women who were raped before the age of 18 years were twice as likely to be raped as adults, compared with those who were not raped as children or adolescents (18.3% and 8.7%, respectively).[14]
The effects of early sexual abuse may also extend to other forms of victimization and problems in adulthood. For instance, a case control study in Australia on the long-term impact of abuse reported significant associations between child sexual abuse and
experiencing rape, sexual and mental health problems, domestic violence and other problems in intimate relationships even after accounting for various family background characteristics.[13] Those who had experienced abuse involving intercourse had more negative outcomes than those suffering other types of coercion.
Educational level
Women are at increased risk of sexual violence, as they are of physical violence by an intimate partner, when they become more educated and thus more empowered. Women with no education were found in a national survey in South Africa to be much less likely to experience sexual violence than those with higher levels of education.[15] In Zimbabwe, women who were working were much more likely to report forced sex by a spouse than those who were not.[16] The likely explanation is that greater empowerment brings with it more resistance from women to patriarchal norms,[17] so that men may resort to violence in an attempt to regain control. The relationship between empowerment and physical violence is an n-shape with greater empowerment conferring greater risk up to a certain level, beyond which it starts to become protective.[10][18] It is not known, though, whether this is also the case for sexual violence.
Poverty
Poor women and girls may be more at risk of rape in the course of their daily tasks than those who are better off, for example when they walk home on their own from work late at night, or work in the fields or collect firewood alone. Children of poor women may have less parental supervision when not in school, since their mothers may be at work and unable to afford child care. The children
themselves may, in fact, be working and thus vulnerable to sexual exploitation. Poverty forces many women and girls into
occupations that carry a relatively high risk of sexual violence,[19] particularly sex work.[20] It also creates enormous pressures for them to find or maintain jobs, to pursue trading activities and, if studying, to obtain good grades, all of which render them vulnerable to sexual coercion from those who can promise these things.[21] Poorer women are also more at risk of intimate partner violence, of which sexual violence is often a manifestation.[22][23]
LGBTQIA+
Members of LGBTQIA+ communities have historically been targets of sexual violence. In many societies such as in New York, queer activism gained visibility during the 1960s and beyond in political spaces.[24] In areas where queer visibility was more prominent, there was also more heavy policing. Due to the incarceration and criminalization of queer people brought into detention centers, a space was created where guards could sexually abuse queer individuals. Additionally, members of queer and transgender communities have experienced disproportionate rates of poverty due to a lack of job access and discrimination. [25] Because of the lack of economic opportunity, individuals resort to jobs that involve an increased risk of sexual violence such as sex work. [26] Sexual violence has commonly impacted members of queer communities where drug addiction and poverty may also be present due to the systemic association that correlates unemployment and low education levels with an increase in drug use.[27]
^Acierno R et al. Risk factors for rape, physical assault, and post-traumatic stress disorder in women: examination of differential multivariate relationships. Journal of Anxiety Disorders, 1999, 13:541–563.
^Greenfeld LA. Sex offenses and offenders: an analysis of data on rape and sexual assault. Washington, DC, United States Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics (NCJ 163392).
^ abHeise L, Pitanguy J, Germain A. Violence against women: the hidden health burden. Washington, DC, World Bank, 1994 (Discussion Paper No. 255).
^Greenfeld LA. Sex offenses and offenders: an analysis of data on rape and sexual assault . Washington, DC, United States Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics (NCJ 163392).
^Total number of adolescents in the study. Rates are based on those who have had sexual intercourse.
^Antigua, Bahamas, Barbados, British Virgin Islands, Dominica, Grenada, Guyana, Jamaica and Saint Lucia.
^ abPercentage of adolescents responding that their first intercourse was forced or somewhat forced.
^Longitudinal study of a cohort born in 1972--1973. Subjects were questioned at 18 years of age and again at 21 years of age about their current and previous sexual behaviour.
^ abcCrowell NA, Burgess AW, eds. Understanding violence against women. Washington, DC, National Academy Press, 1996.
^Acierno R et al. Risk factors for rape, physical assault, and post-traumatic stress disorder in
women: examination of differential multivariate relationships. Journal of Anxiety Disorders, 1999, 13:541–563.
^Tjaden P, Thoennes N. Full report of the prevalence, incidence and consequences of violence against women: findings from the National Violence Against Women Survey. Washington, DC, National Institute of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, United States Department of Justice and Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2000 (NCJ 183781).
^ abFleming J et al. The long-term impact of childhood sexual abuse in Australian women. Child Abuse & Neglect, 1999, 23:145–159.
^Tjaden P, Thoennes N. Full report of the prevalence, incidence and consequences of violence against women: findings from the National Violence Against Women Survey. Washington, DC, National Institute of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, United States Department of Justice and Centers for Disease Control
and Prevention, 2000 (NCJ 183781).
^Jewkes R, Abrahams N. The epidemiology of rape and sexual coercion in South Africa: an overview. Social Science and Medicine (in press).
^Watts C et al. Withholding sex and forced sex: dimensions of violence against Zimbabwean women. Reproductive Health Matters, 1998, 6:57–65.
^Jewkes R, Penn-Kekana L, Levin J. Risk factors for domestic violence: findings from a South African cross-sectional study. Social Science and Medicine (in press).
^Jewkes R. Intimate partner violence: causes and prevention. Lancet, 2002, 359:1423–1429.
^Omorodion FI, Olusanya O. The social context of reported rape in Benin City, Nigeria. African Journal of Reproductive Health, 1998, 2:37–43.
^Faune MA. Centroamerica: los costos de la guerra y la paz. [Central America: the costs of war and of peace.] Perspectivas, 1997, 8:14–15.
^Omaar R, de Waal A. Crimes without punishment: sexual harassment and violence against female students in schools and universities in Africa. African Rights, July 1994 (Discussion Paper No. 4).
^Martin SL et al. Sexual behaviour and reproductive health outcomes: associations with wife abuse in
India. Journal of the American Medical Association, 1999, 282:1967–1972.
^International Clinical Epidemiologists Network.
Domestic violence in India: a summary report of a multi-site household survey. Washington, DC, International Center for Research on Women, 2000.
^Gould, Deborah (2009). Moving Politics: Emotion and Act Up's Fight against AIDS. University of Chicago Press. pp. 180–212. ISBN978-0226305301.
^Spade, Dean (2022). Trans Law and Politics on a Neoliberal Landscape (1st ed.). Taylor & Francis. pp. 1–30. ISBN9781003206255.
