Min Aung Hlaing was born on 3 July 1956 in Minbu, Magway Region, Burma (now Myanmar), to Khin Hlaing and Hla Mu, as the fourth of five children.[25] His parents were teachers from Dawei, in Tanintharyi Region.[26] His family moved to Mandalay as duty when he was 5 years old. His father, Khin Hlaing, was an artist.[27]
Following graduation, Min Aung Hlaing went on to serve in different command positions, rising slowly through the ranks.[32] Early in his career, military colleagues gave him a nickname referring to cat feces, "something deposited quietly but leaving a powerful stink."[33] As he rose through the ranks, Min Aung Hlaing earned a reputation as a hardliner.[28] His military work earned him the favour of Senior General Than Shwe.[34] Min Aung Hlaing is characterized as having a "big man" management style not conducive to collaboration or listening.[34]
In 1989, as a Captain (3 stars), Min Aung Hlaing took part in the Battle of Wan Kha Thit, better known as the Battle of Kawmoora. This battle was a clash between army troops controlled by then Commander-in-chiefSenior GeneralThan Shwe and the Karen National Union (KNU). Due to the base's difficult position to attack, the Myanmar military repeatedly assaulted it throughout 1989 but failed to seize it, halting operations in 1990 after suffering hundreds of casualties.
To ward off harm from enemy shells and bullets, Min Aung Hlaing carried a Buddha statue in his bag of topographic maps worn across his chest. Despite making speeches for officer cadets to be brave soldiers like him, he never led any missions against KNU troops.
Although he promoted bravery in his speeches, Min Aung Hlaing showed limited combat capabilities as a junior officer, only participating in two major battles and playing insignificant roles in both. Near the front line, he was known to carry a Buddha figurine, hoping it would ward off death.[38]
As a Battalion Commander
Min Aung Hlaing served as a Battalion Officer Commanding, ranked as a Major, at the No. (369) Light Infantry Battalion (Homalin) under the Regional Operations Command (Kalay) of the Northwestern Regional Military Command. During his tenure, he imprisoned the pregnant wife of a sergeant who was deemed to have deserted the battalion. At that time, the General Officer Commanding of the Regional Operations Command (Kalay) was Brigadier General Thura Aung Ko, and the Tactical Operation CommandOfficer Commanding was Colonel Kyaw Thu. During an inspection, Colonel Kyaw Thu discovered the woman locked in the battalion prison and questioned Major Min Aung Hlaing why he did such a thing. Min Aung Hlaing explained that she was imprisoned because her husband had deserted. Colonel Kyaw Thu responded, "Do not do such a disgraceful thing. It's nonsense to arrest the wife just because her husband deserted. Release her now."[39] The woman was only released thanks to Colonel Kyaw Thu's intervention.
Min Aung Hlaing had a habit of such actions since his time as a Battalion Commander, and it came as no surprise that similar actions were applied to the population after the coup.[40]
The actions taken by Min Aung Hlaing during his time as a Battalion Commander have been noted in various accounts.[41]
As DSA Rector
Min Aung Hlaing served as the 19th rector of the Defence Services Academy (DSA), having graduated from its 19th intake. During his tenure, he was involved in an incident with Nay Shwe Thway Aung (also known as Phoe La Pyae), the 8-year-old grandson of Senior GeneralThan Shwe. Nay Shwe Thway Aung visited the academy with a colonel acting as his personal bodyguard. At Nay Shwe Thway Aung's request, Min Aung Hlaing organized a football match, dismissing the Officer Cadets from their Physical Training (PT) session. Throughout the match, Min Aung Hlaing frequently inquired about Nay Shwe Thway Aung's well-being, contrasting with his usually strict demeanor towards the officers on the field.[8]
Min Aung Hlaing was known for his strict enforcement of military regulations. He reported several coaches and cadets to the Military Appointment General (MAG) for minor infractions, such as not wearing helmets while riding motorcycles. These actions were perceived as efforts to secure his promotion to Major General and to obtain a position as a General Officer Commanding as a Regional Military Command. As a result of his reports, the officers and cadets faced significant career setbacks, with many unable to advance beyond the rank of Captain.[8]
Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces
2011–2015: Union Solidarity and Development Party rule
Not long after becoming Commander-in-chief, he removed the Adjutant General, Lieutenant General Kyaw Phyo and General Officer Commanding of Central Regional Military Command Major General Tin Ngwe and built the atmosphere of fear among the top brass.[8]
In November 2011, according to The Irrawaddy, it was "widely believed" that following Min Aung Hlaing's meetings with Chinese military officials that month and his leadership in creating a bilateral agreement on defense cooperation with the Chinese, he had also held talks with Chinese vice-president Xi Jinping regarding cooperation from China with respect to the Kachin Conflict.[37]
In 2014, as Min Aung Hlaing approached the age of 60, which is the mandatory age of retirement for military officers, the Armed Forces' Department of Defence Council issued a directive, enabling Min Aung Hlaing to extend his mandatory retirement age to 65, in 2021.[45]
In August 2015, the USDP fractured, and President Thein Sein purged the faction led by Shwe Mann, a former general and Speaker of the Pyithu Hluttaw.[42] Min Aung Hlaing oversaw a direct military intervention to oust Shwe Mann from power, indicating the military's desire to continue furthering its agenda through USDP.[46] Shwe Mann had advocated for legislation and constitutional amendments that would have decreased the military's influence, against the interests of the military and USDP.[46]
2016–2020: Transition to National League for Democracy rule
Min Aung Hlaing also began to signal his interest in civilian politics.[42] He began assuming a more statesman-like persona, and became increasingly assertive about the military's role.[49][33] In the lead-up to the 2020 Myanmar general election, he worked with the USDP to position himself as the next President.[49] Throughout 2019, Min Aung Hlaing made several public appearances dubbed a "charm offensive," at several religious sites and charity functions,[50] raising speculation about his political ambitions.[51][45] To cultivate his public persona, he began two Facebook pages that commanded a combined following of 4.1 million followers.[52][53] In January 2020, Min Aung Hlaing met with Chinese leaderXi Jinping in Nay Pyi Taw. Xi promoted the practical cooperation under the framework of the One Belt One Road to achieve results at an early date and benefit Myanmar's people.[54] In May 2020, Min Aung Hlaing reshuffled senior military ranks, promoting a new generation of officers loyal to him, including Kyaw Swar Lin, who became the military's youngest lieutenant general.[55]
War with the Arakan Army intensified during this period, and the military was accused of targeting Arakanese civilians and their properties. On 17 March 2019, Kyaw Zaw Oo, an Arakanese MP, published a bilingual open letter to Min Aung Hlaing about the many human rights violations of the Tatmadaw in Rakhine State that harmed the lives and property of civilians and damaged buildings of cultural heritage.[56][57]
2020–present
In February 2020, Min Aung Hlaing, his wife Kyu Kyu Hla and with his close astrologer Vasipake Sayadaw placed the "Hti" umbrella atop Bagan's most powerful ancient Htilominlo Temple. The meaning of the temple name is "need the royal umbrella, need the King". He was following in the footsteps of some of Myanmar's most powerful political figures including his predecessor, Senior General Than Shwe. Many people believed that the ceremony was a yadaya and seeking divine blessings for his glory.[58]
In November 2020, Min Aung Hlaing made a series of public comments questioning the legitimacy of the upcoming 2020 election, in potential violation of the Civil Services Personnel Law.[59] On 5 November, the [atmadaw declared that Min Aung Hlaing's rank is equivalent to Vice President of Myanmar.[60] After casting his ballot in the 2020 election, Min Aung Hlaing vowed to accept the election results.[61] The 2020 election saw NLD win in a larger landslide than in 2015, forestalling Min Aung Hlaing's political ambitions. In response, the military began intensifying allegations of electoral fraud and irregularities, submitting formal complaints to the Union Election Commission (UEC). On 27 January 2021, Min Aung Hlaing publicly remarked that he would not rule out a coup d'état and abolition of the constitution, if allegations of voter fraud during last year's election were not adequately addressed.[62] These comments sparked concern about another potential coup.[63] The following day, the UEC issued a statement rejecting claims of electoral fraud, citing the lack of evidence submitted to substantiate these claims.[64] On 29 January, the military issued clarifying statements pledging to protect and abide by the constitution and applicable laws.[65]
On 22 May 2021, Min Aung Hlaing gave his first interview since the coup to Hong Kong-based Chinese language Phoenix Television. During the interview, he referred to deposed leader Aung San Suu Kyi and he said that she "is in good health. She is at her home and healthy. She is going to face trial at the court in a few days."[68] On the same day, Myanmar Now reported that shortly after the coup, Min Aung Hlaing appointed himself indefinitely as the commander-in-chief and therefore the de facto leader of Myanmar.[69]
In January 2023, Min Aung Hlaing enacted a new electoral law aimed at rigging the next general election in favor of the USDP.[80][81] He is himself considered a likely USDP nominee for President in the subsequent presidential election.[82]
Min Aung Hlaing refused to give up his emergency powers when they were constitutionally set to expire on 1 February 2023, further delaying new elections.[83][84]
In March 2023, Min Aung Hlaing made a rare public appearance at the Armed Forces Day parade stating that his government would continue to fight back against resistance groups in the country and their "acts of terror". Hlaing called his critics supporters of terrorism.[85]
Starting in January 2024, multiple pro-military figures condemned Min Aung Hlaing for incompetence and excessive self-interest after the Tatmadaw suffered an unprecedented string of defeats during Operation 1027.[86] In February 2024, to address the Tatmadaw's personnel issues, Min Aung Hlaing activated Myanmar's 1959 conscription law for the first time, with plans to draft 60,000 young men and women.[21][87] Men aged 18–35 and women aged 18–27 will be required to serve up to five years under the state of emergency, or face five years imprisonment.[88]
In March 2024, Min Aung Hlaing claimed at the Armed Forces Day parade young people are being tricked into supporting the resistance against the military, and accused "some powerful nations" of trying to interfere with Myanmar’s internal affairs.[89]
According to SAC media, resistance groups in Yangon attempted to assassinate Min Aung Hlaing with explosives and firearms in June 2024.[91][92]
On 22 July 2024 Min Aung Hlaing became acting President after Myint Swe took medical leave.[93]
Min Aung Hlaing's rise to power in February 2021 marked the beginning of a harsh crackdown on dissent in Myanmar, exemplified by the arrest of prominent pro-democracy activist Nay Soe Maung on 23 October 2024, in Pyigyitagun Township, Mandalay.[94][95] This arrest occurred during the ongoing challenges to his rule following the coup.[96][97][98] The groundwork for such actions against opposition figures was laid by Than Shwe, whose enduring influence over the military had previously established its stronghold in Myanmar’s political landscape.[99][100]
Corruption
Min Aung Hlaing has been the subject of controversy for his family's extensive business assets and potential conflicts of interest.[101] He is a major shareholder in the army-owned Myanma Economic Holdings Limited (MEHL). During the 2010–11 fiscal year, he had owned 5,000 shares and received an annual dividend of $250,000 (~$341,079 in 2023).[102] He sits on MEHL's Patron Group, which runs the conglomerate.[103]
Min Aung Hlaing's son, Aung Pyae Sone, owns a number of companies, including Sky One Construction Company and Aung Myint Mo Min Insurance Company.[104] He also has a majority stake in Mytel, a national telecoms carrier.[104] In 2013, his son Aung Pyae Sone won a no-bid government permit well below market rates, for a 30-year lease on land at the Yangon People's Square and Park for a high-end restaurant and art gallery, following his father's promotion to Commander-in-Chief.[105]Aung Pyae Sone also runs A&M Mahar, which offers Food and Drug Administration (FDA) approvals and customs clearance services for drugs and medical devices.[106] Myanmar's customs department is led by Kyaw Htin, a former MEHL director.[106]
His daughter Khin Thiri Thet Mon founded a major film studio, 7th Sense Creation, in 2017.[107] That same year, his daughter-in-law, Myo Yadanar Htaik, founded another entertainment company, Stellar Seven Entertainment.[107] The US Embassy in Yangon came under media scrutiny in December 2020, for collaborating with 7th Sense Creation, because Min Aung Hlaing is technically subject to US economic sanctions.[108]
Facebook banned Min Aung Hlaing from its platform along with 19 other top Burmese officials and organisations to prevent further heated ethnic and religious tensions in Myanmar. This action followed a UN investigation's report that certain military leaders in Myanmar should be investigated and prosecuted for genocide against Rohingya Muslims.[113][114]Twitter later banned him on 16 May 2019.[115]
The United States has imposed sanctions against Min Aung Hlaing. In July 2019, the U.S. government banned him from travel to the US.[116] In December 2020, it froze Min Aung Hlaing's American-based assets and criminalized financial transactions between him and anyone in the US.[116][117]
The Government of Canada has imposed sanctions on him since 18 February 2021, pursuant to Special Economic Measures Act and Special Economic Measures (Burma) Regulations, in response to the gravity of the human rights and humanitarian situation in Myanmar. Canadian sanctions include a freezing of assets and a ban on transactions with any Canadian person.[121][122]
The Council of the European Union has also imposed sanctions on him since 22 March 2021, pursuant to Council Regulation (EU) 2021/479 and Council Implementing Regulation (EU) 2021/480 which amended Council Regulation (EU) No 401/2013, for his responsibility for the 2021 coup and the subsequent military and police repression against peaceful demonstrators. The EU sanctions include a freezing of assets and a ban on entry or transit to the bloc.[124][125]
On 7 October 2019, the Young Men's Buddhist Association (YMBA) awarded him the title of Mingaladhamma Zawtika Dhaza and the permanent patron of the YMBA.[130][131] On 9 December 2020, YMBA awarded him the title of Thado Thiri Agga Maha Mingalar Zawtika.[132]
2018 - Malaysia: The Most Gallant Order of Military Service, Gallant Commander of the Malaysian Armed Forces (Darjah Panglima Gagah Angkatan Tentera), Honorary Malaysian Armed Forces Order for Valor (1st Degree), Malaysia.[134]
^ abcd"မင်းအောင်လှိုင်ကြောင့် နာမည်ပျက်ရတဲ့ ဒေါ်စိန်အေး" [Daw Sein Aye who lost her reputation due to Min Aung Hlaing]. မင်းအောင်လှိုင် ကျောင်းအုပ်ကြီး ဖြစ်ချိန်တွင် ဦးသန်းရွှေ၏ မြေးဖြစ်သူ နေရွှေသွေးအောင် (ခ) ဖိုးလပြည့် ငယ်ငယ် ၈ တန်း ကျောင်းသားအရွယ်က DSA ကို လာလည်သည်။ ဖိုးလပြည့် အနီးကပ် ကိုယ်ရံတော် ဗိုလ်မှူးကြီးတဦးလည်း ပါသေး၏။ ဗိုလ်လောင်းများနှင့် ဘောလုံးကစားချင်ကြောင်း ပြောသောအခါ ချက်ချင်း ဗိုလ်လောင်းများ၏ ကိုယ်ကာယ လေ့ကျင့်ချိန် PT Time ကို ဖျက်ပြီး မင်းအောင်လှိုင်က ဘောလုံးပွဲ စီစဉ်ပေးသည်။ ဖိုးလပြည့်ကို ဖိနပ်စီးမပေးရုံတမယ်နှင့် 'သား၊ အဆင်ပြေရဲ့လား' ချည်း ပြောနေသည့် DSA ကျောင်းအုပ်ကြီး မင်းအောင်လှိုင်သည် ဘောလုံးပွဲ စီစဉ်ပေးရသည့် နည်းပြအရာရှိများဘက် မျက်နှာလှည့်သည့်အခါ အခါတရာမက ငေါက်ငန်းနေခဲ့ပေသည်။ တပ်မတော်ကြီးဆိုတာ သည်လိုပါလားဟု ကျောင်းအုပ်ကြီး မင်းအောင်လှိုင်ကို ကြည့်ကာ အတော်တရားရခဲ့မိပါသည်။ စစ်တက္ကသိုလ်၏ ၁၉ ယောက်မြောက် ကျောင်းအုပ်ကြီးဖြစ်လာသည့် DSA ဗိုလ်လောင်းသင်တန်း အမှတ်စဉ် ၁၉ ဆင်းဖြစ်သဖြင့် မင်းအောင်လှိုင်သည် ကျောင်းအုပ်ကြီးဘဝကတည်းက မာန်မာနအပြည့်နှင့် ဖြစ်သည်။ [Min Aung Hlaing was the 19th rector of DSA as well as a graduate from DSA 19th intake. At the time he was a DSA rector, an 8 years old Phoe La Pyae, grandson of Than Shwe, visited the academy alongside a Colonel as if personal bodyguard. After Phoe La Pyae's request that he wanted to play Football, Min Aung Hlaing dismissed all the Officer Cadets from the PT Time and mad a Football match at which he was constantly asking Phoe La Pyae "Son, are you ok?" despite the fact he was always scolding and yelling at the officers at the match whether they did anything wrong or not.]
^Campbell, Joshua (13 April 2023). "Min Aung Hlaing". The 100 Most Influential People of 2023. TIME. Archived from the original on 16 April 2023. Retrieved 16 April 2023. Min Aung Hlaing has returned Myanmar to a pariah state and made it the world's second most authoritarian regime, per the Economist Intelligence Unit's 2022 Democracy Index. Only Taliban-ruled Afghanistan ranked worse.
^"ဗိုလ်ချုပ်မှူးကြီး မင်းအောင်လှိုင်၏ ဖုံးဝှက်ထားသော ရုပ်ပုံလွှာ". မလုပ်ကောင်းတာတွေ မလုပ်နဲ့ကွာ၊ ယောက်ျားထွက်ပြေးလို့ မိန်းမကို ဖမ်းတယ်ဆိုတာ အဓိပ္ပာယ်မရှိဘူး၊ အခုလွှတ်ပေးလိုက် [Hey, don't do such disgraceful action. It doesn't make any sense to arrest a wife for her husband's action]